Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Chapter-1 -- Introduction -- 1.1 Contextualizing and Theorizing Cross-Generational Migration Research -- 1.1.1 Identity, Integration and Transnational Ties -- 1.1.2 Theories on the Integration of the Second Generation -- 1.1.3 The European Second Generation -- 1.1.4 The Albanian Second Generation -- 1.1.5 Moving Back and Forth Between Theory and Data -- 1.2 Introducing the Field Sites: Immigration Politics and Ethnic Relations -- 1.2.1 Britain -- 1.2.1.1 London -- 1.2.2 Greece -- 1.2.2.1 Thessaloniki -- 1.2.3 Italy -- 1.2.3.1 Florence -- 1.3 Research Design and Methods -- 1.4 Book Outline -- Chapter-2 -- Identities of the First and Second Generation: The Role of Ethnicity -- 2.1 Identity and Ethnicity -- 2.2 Introduction to Albanian Identity -- 2.3 The First Generation -- 2.3.1 Migrant Identity -- 2.3.2 The Parental Identity -- 2.3.3 Gender -- 2.3.4 Religious Identity -- 2.3.5 The Role of Ethnicity -- 2.4 The Second Generation -- 2.4.1 Teenagers and Young People -- 2.4.2 Gender -- 2.4.3 Religious Identity -- 2.4.4 The Role of Ethnicity -- 2.5 Conclusions -- Chapter-3 -- Integration: National, City and Local Perspectives -- 3.1 Reviewing Integration: Philosophical, Theoretical and Methodological Aspects -- 3.2 The First Generation -- 3.2.1 Structural Integration -- 3.2.1.1 Regularization and Interaction with Institutions -- 3.2.1.2 Integration in the Labour Market -- 3.2.2 Social Integration -- 3.2.2.1 History of Immigration and Impact on Social Integration -- 3.2.2.2 Cultural Similarity and Difference -- 3.2.3 Immigrant and Ethnic Organizations -- 3.2.4 Gender -- 3.2.5 Discrimination -- 3.3 The Second Generation -- 3.3.1 Structural Integration -- 3.3.1.1 Educational Experience and Performance -- 3.3.1.2 Future Employment Plans and Transition to the Labour Market.

Migration; Social Structure, Social Inequality; Childhood, Adolescence and Society; Sociology, general

The literature on 'second-generation migrants' has widely viewed ethnicity as the key marker of identity formation. This article explores the identification processes of Albanian-origin teenagers in Thessaloniki, investigating whether, when and why ethnicity plays a role in these processes. The paper draws upon data from 28 in-depth interviews and one focus group with teenagers, alongside participant observation involving families, schools and immigrant organisations. The findings show that youth of migrant origin construct their identities within intersecting simultaneous transnational, national and local dynamics and alongside a public–private divide. More specifically, youth culture, a city/urban identity, and emotional ties that bind peer groups and family and kin within and across the national borders provide important sources of identification. These strategies are partly indicative of a weak ethnic agency – the ability of people to change the conditions around them by relying on the belief in a shared common past and common destiny with co-ethnics, and the assertiveness that comes with this belief. Nonetheless, in the local, multi-scalar forms of political and cultural power intersect within people's daily lives, while this multiplicity of sources of identification calls for a closer look at the linkages between the local, the national and the global.

The literature on 'second-generation migrants' has widely viewed ethnicity as the key marker of identity formation. This paper explores the identification processes of Albanian-origin teenagers in Thessaloniki, investigating whether, when and why ethnicity plays a role in these processes. The paper draws upon data from 28 in-depth interviews and one focus group with teenagers, alongside participant observation involving families, schools and immigrant organisations. The findings show that youth of migrant origin construct their identities within intersecting simultaneous transnational, national and local dynamics and alongside a public-private divide. More specifically, youth culture, a city/urban identity, and emotional ties that bind peer groups and family and kin within and across the national borders provide important sources of identification. These strategies are partly indicative of a weak ethnic agency—the ability of people to change the conditions around them by relying on the belief in a shared common past and common destiny with co-ethnics, and the assertiveness that comes with this belief. Nonetheless, in the local, multi-scalar forms of political and cultural power intersect within people's daily lives, while this multiplicity of sources of identification calls for a closer look at the linkages between the local, the national and the global.

Return migration is a topic of growing interest among academics and policy makers. Nonetheless, issues of psychosocial wellbeing are rarely discussed in its context. Return Migration and Psychosocial Wellbeing problematises the widely-held assumption that return to the country of origin, especially in the context of voluntary migrations, is a psychologically safe process. By exploding the forced-voluntary dichotomy, it analyses the continuum of experiences of return and the effect of time, the factors that affect the return process and associated mobilities, and their multiple links with returned migrants' wellbeing or psychosocial issues. Drawing research encompassing four different continents - Europe, North America, Africa and Asia - to offer a blend of studies, this timely volume contrasts with previous research which is heavily informed by clinical approaches and concepts, as the contributions in this book come from various disciplinary approaches such as sociology, geography, psychology, politics and anthropology. Indeed, this title will appeal to academics, NGOs and policy-makers working on migration and psychosocial wellbeing; and undergraduate and postgraduate students who are interested in the fields of migration, social policy, ethnicity studies, health studies, human geography, sociology and anthropology.

AbstractThis article analyses the political engagement and mobilization of the EU citizens post‐Brexit and investigates the extent to which these have led to the creation of an EU diaspora in the UK. Qualitative research took place in Liverpool and Southport–two different localities in the North West of the UK that have attracted EU citizens of different demographics. The project included participants from 18 EU different countries, which afforded the investigation of dynamics and different positionalities within the EU population in the UK. These positionalities, the findings show, are broadly organized around a typology that is underpinned by the (geo)politics of the EU: national and regional stances; EU‐oriented stances; non‐alignment. While Brexit triggered a stronger European identity and mobilization on the basis of it, the orientation toward, and investment in, the EU diasporic mobilization among EU citizens differs due to these positionalities. The findings, therefore, point toward the creation of a post‐national EU diaspora in the UK, but also identify the strength of national and regional identities, which could indicate the development of different gravity diaspora points in future, nested in the EU diaspora. The differences in demographics and social capital within the EU citizens population across the UK have implications for local dimensions of the EU diaspora and its impact and legacy in the medium and long term.

Abstract
The United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union has triggered a variety of forms of political engagement
among EU nationals living in the UK. Our research, carried out in the North West of England, an area that has received little
attention so far, demonstrates that the result of the 2016 Referendum sparked a new awareness of public discourse, has led to the
emergence of new political and discursive attitudes and strategies, as well as persuasive reflexivity and incipient activism on
the part of EU nationals. This article thus contributes to the existing literature on political engagement by analysing EU
nationals' cognitive, discursive and pro/re-active engagements with Brexit.

This paper focuses on processes of political integration for immigrants in the Italian context, constituting as it does an understudied topic. It does so by looking at one specific community, Albanian immigrants, who have been typically heavily stigmatized. While Albanian immigration in Italy has been a focus of previous research, no consideration so far has been given to naturalization and its influence on other political processes at the level of immigrants' daily lives. Through the meanings which participants of this research attribute to citizenship and their acting as political agents, the paper unpacks the relations between this "status passage" (Glaser and Strauss 1971) and the political integration of immigrants. The findings show a very complex picture in which multiple factors and interactions play an important role. Legally speaking, Italian citizenship is a pre-condition for immigrants to enjoy the right to vote in elections at all levels, which participants considered a significant indicator of their political integration. Therefore, the political integration of immigrants is heavily conditioned by naturalization, which gives access to political rights, voice and representation as regulated at the state level. However, when considering the role of age and social capital in processes of political integration, there is also reason to believe that the political mobilization and participation of the youngest and most well-educated participants is not as exclusively attached to such formal recognition as a political subject. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v11i1.258